Will Foreign Investment Return to Iran’s Automotive Sector?
Falling output over the past two years has made clear the limits of the Iranian government’s ability to grow the automotive sector without foreign partnerships and new investment.
Iran produced just 770,000 automobiles in 2019, down from 1,418,550 just two years prior. The re-imposition of U.S. secondary sanctions interrupted new investment in Iran’s automotive sector, particularly by European automakers such as Renault, Peugeot, and Volkswagen.
The median age in Iran is just 32. Limited public transport options and cheap petrol make car ownership attractive and even necessary—under normal circumstances, the Iranians would purchase up to 2 million cars each year, with a total sales value of up to $20 billion.
The rising cost of manufacturing inputs and a shortfall in production has contributed to a sharp increase in the price of automobiles, particularly in the secondary market. While Iranian policymakers consider the automotive industry as a “strategic sector,” with state-owned firms Iran Khodro and SAIPA among the country’s largest employers, the hit to output over past two years has made clear the limits of the government’s ability to grow the automotive sector without foreign partnerships.
Over the last year, companies linked to Iran’s defense ministry have stepped in to support production at the Iran Khodro and SAIPA in an attempt to localize the production of more parts and shield automakers from the rising cost of imports. At a signing ceremony in December of 2019, SAIPA CEO Seyyed Javad Soleimani told reporters, “With Defense Ministry’s help, domestic substitutes for 35 key auto parts are to be produced in Iran to curb the industry’s reliance on the global supply chain.”
The cooperation between automakers and defense contractors is best understood as a stop-gap solution for the automotive industry. In the short-term the goal is to raise output. In the medium-term, the automotive sector will still require the transformative investment that only foreign automakers can provide.
Foreign automakers have long understood the potential of Iran’s large domestic market and the combination of low labor costs and local parts production. Iran’s industrial workforce is skilled and experience, particularly relative to their compensation. The monthly minimum wage is IRR 18.34 million for the current Iranian calendar year—now equivalent to less than USD 100 per month at current exchange rates. Between 2009 and 2011, two out of every 100 cars and commercial vehicles produced worldwide was manufactured in Iran.
These dynamics led numerous European, Korean, and, more recently, Chinese car and truck manufactures to establish license manufacturing agreements and even full joint ventures with Iranian automakers. Iranian auto parts makers developed the supply chain to provide the local parts content on which Iranian policymakers insisted. The manufacturing of the Renault Tondar, known as the Dacia Logan in most markets, saw Iranian spare parts manufacture obtain “Grade A” certifications from Renault. Following the new investments committed after the implementation of sanctions relief in 2016, there were growing expectations that Iran would become an exporter of European-branded automobiles to regional markets.
Notably, the new post-JCPOA investment was intended to facilitate the partial privatization of the state-owned manufacturers. Through the Industrial Development and Renovation Organization (IDRO), the Iranian state was set to become a minority shareholder in the new Renault joint venture. A similar deal was struck between Daimler and Iran Khodro Diesel for the manufacturing of Mercedes-Benz trucks in Iran.
Allowing foreign firms to be the majority shareholders of their joint ventures was an important shift in industrial policy for the “strategic” automotive sector. Such policy was also intended to address the long-running issue of inefficiency and poor productivity among the state-owned automakers. There were also a number of deals between foreign automakers and private sector firms in Iran, such as the agreement between Volkswagen and Mammut, which has produced Scania trucks in Iran since 2008. Scania’s persistence in the Iranian market has earned it a commanding market share of over 60 percent.
Clearly, prior to the re-imposition of sanctions, Iran was set to deepen its dependence on foreign investment to drive growth in the automotive sector. In the case that sanctions are once again lifted, that drive for foreign investment would no doubt resume. Iran’s automotive market will remain attractive, but foreign automakers will want to be sure that any new round of sanctions relief will be durable.
Photo: IRNA
For Iran’s Economy, the Price of a Car Matters More Than the Price of Oil
◢ The combination of reimposed sanctions, a slowing economy, and a devalued currency have put Iran’s automotive sector under severe pressure With nearly 1 million jobs linked to the automotive industry, the price of a new car could be even more important than the price of oil for the Iranian economy. In an interview with Bourse & Bazaar, Saeed Madani, the former CEO of SAIPA, warned that price controls are squeezing state-owned automakers.
The combination of reimposed sanctions, a slowing economy, and a devalued currency have put Iran’s automotive sector under severe pressure With nearly 1 million jobs linked to the automotive industry, the price of a new car could be even more important than the price of oil for the Iranian economy.
In an interview with Bourse & Bazaar, Saeed Madani, the former CEO of SAIPA, Iran’s second largest automaker, warned that price controls are squeezing state-owned automakers as sanctions effect the overall economy.
State-owned firms Iran Khodro and SAIPA, account for 90 percent of the 1.5 million vehicles manufactured in Iran each year, but are in many respects these firms are least prepared for the bumpy road ahead.
Madani, who led the SAIPA for three years during the height of sanctions from 2012 to 2015, warned that dependence on imported raw materials and parts leaves Iranian automakers vulnerable as the economy slides into a recession.
“With the rial weakening, carmakers’ purchasing power has been slashed. The input costs of auto parts industry have also increased significantly,” Madani explained. The rial has lost 70 percent of its value against the US dollar since the current Iranian fiscal began in March, making manufacturing inputs significantly more expensive.
Automakers Face Pricing Squeeze
These costs cannot always be passed onto the consumer. Presently, Iran’s Competition Council retains the power to set prices for many domestic products, including cars that are categorized as affordable, meaning their sticker price is less than IRR 450 million.
Madani believes that even if the state is reluctant to deregulate the auto market at large, authorities must give a green light to the carmakers to increase prices. “The upgraded prices need to be set for each model depending on the share of imported auto parts in its production,” he said.
The price increases are especially crucial for models assembled from imported completely knocked-down (CKD) kits, as these vehicles have a higher foreign parts content than those designed locally. Madani thinks prices for the vehicles assembled from CKD kits should be “at least doubled.”
SAIPA’s most popular model is the entry-level Pride, based on a design from Korean automaker Kia. The Pride is the cheapest car made in Iran. To manufacture each Pride, “it is necessary to import USD 1,500 worth of parts and raw materials,” Madani explained.
But while earlier this year, automakers were receiving foreign exchange at the subsidized rate of IRR 30,000 per dollar, today their currency is purchased through the NIMA system, established by the Central Bank of Iran to coordinate foreign exchange purchases and to track forex transactions involving banks, exchange houses, importers and exporters in real time. Over the last month, the average NIMA rate was IRR 92,304 per dollar.
In Madani’s estimation, looking just to cost of inputs, and ignoring increased overheads facing SAIPA, the price of the Pride needs to be raised by IRR 90 million (USD 600) to bring its sticker price to IRR 320 million (USD 2200).
The official price of the Pride was last raised in June, bringing it to IRR 227 million (USD 1,500). Today, the Pride is regularly selling for IRR 340 million (USD 2,300) in secondary markets, demonstrating the heavy subsidization enforced by the government.
Failing to readjust prices could have dramatic consequences for the auto industry, warned Madani. “If the government does not let carmakers increase prices, they will go bankrupt. Firms will be forced to shut down many production lines and output rates will nosedive,” he said.
Faced with this dilemma, the government will be tempted to throw the automakers a lifeline by providing financial aid and loans. But Madani considers such aid to be a burden for manufacturers, which will struggle to pay back debts in the future.
Uncertain Government Response
In recent weeks, government figures have repeatedly signaled that they are considering giving carmakers the green light to increase car prices. Financial newspaper Donya-e Eqtesad recently reported that industry stakeholders and officials are well aware that the car prices need to be increased, but are afraid of the political cost of such a decision as it will be seen as placing pressure on Iranian consumers.
On October 31, Iran’s newly appointed industry minister, Reza Rahmani, told IRNA, “Automakers are not permitted to change car prices [on their own]. There is a designated legal mechanism for introducing new car prices. No decision has been made yet about changing car prices.”
In the interview, Rahmani also questioned the credibility of the unaudited financial statements reported by the local media, which suggested that Iran Khodro and SAIPA had made losses amounting to IRR 21 trillion (USD 142 million) and IRR 29 trillion (USD 196 million) respectively in just the last six months.
“Iranian automakers are not loss-making. By producing certain models local carmakers may incur losses. However, this is not an issue which cannot be resolved by better management of resources,” the minister countered.
Rahmani revealed that a “specialized task force” had been established in coordination with industry executives “to study the problems which have hindered auto production over the past few months.”
But time is short. “With every day passing carmakers’ loses will further pile up… Automakers should not be forced to foot the bill for subsidizing car prices in Iran,” Madani said.
His assessment is shared by Maziar Beiglou, a board member of the Iran Auto Parts Makers Association. Beiglou recently stated in an interview that the “The situation has been worsening by the day,” pointing to the rising price of inputs such as iron ingots used by companies that produce automotive steel. In Beiglu’s assessment, more than 300 auto parts makers have been forced to stop production.
Total vehicle production in Iran is down 15.1 percent looking to the first half of the current Iranian fiscal year, which began in March. Already, economic headwinds and slowing production have led to mass layoffs.
Sate-owned companies such as Iran Khodro and SAIPA are unlikely to “resort to laying off workers” given the difficult optics for the Iranian government, Madani predicted. But private sector auto parts companies have already been forced to layoff “100,000 to 150,000” workers because of the deteriorating situation.
Photo Credit: IRNA